A. Yermak was never elected and has no direct public mandate. Now his name is mentioned in the biggest corruption scandal of V. Zelensky's presidency.
On Friday, law enforcement agencies searched Yermak's home. Although no charges were filed against him, Zelensky announced the resignation of his chief of staff that same evening.
He has felt pressure to step down since the Energoatom scandal began. After the country-shaking investigation was made public, even members of Zelensky's party began to loudly express their dissatisfaction with Yermak's power.
Government MP Fedir Venislavskiy said after the scandal that Yermak's resignation could ease tensions. He was not the only one. But before the searches, it seemed that this pressure would not lead to change.
Before his resignation, Yermak effectively controlled the parliamentary majority, the government, and key state institutions. He was often called the second man in Ukraine after Zelensky himself.
Yermak was a controversial figure both inside and outside Ukraine, viewed with suspicion by many officials and diplomats.
Through trusted deputies, Yermak had leverage in law enforcement and took center stage in high-level diplomatic meetings. Zelensky also sent him to negotiations on the United States' (US) peace plan in Geneva.
The Kyiv Independent notes that he often sidelined Ukraine's traditional diplomatic service and acted as Zelensky's sole envoy.
"We have to work with him"
Yermak's ambitions, which exceeded his abilities, caused frustration in the West. In Ukraine, it is even greater.
“We have to work with him because A. Yermak is V. Zelensky’s man,” one European official noted to The Kyiv Independent.
Another European diplomat openly joked that anything would be better than sending Yermak to Washington. Both sources claimed that the former head of the Chancellery was viewed extremely unfavorably in Brussels and Washington.
Meanwhile, A. Yermak's desire to control everything and his enormous power in Ukraine are being discussed openly both in the corridors of power and behind the scenes.
Ukrainian and foreign officials interviewed by The Kyiv Independent were convinced that it was Yermak who initiated the latest attack on the country's anti-corruption institutions.
These same people believe that his role was also one of the reasons why this attack ultimately failed.
As Ukraine is rocked by Zelensky's biggest corruption scandal, the president's chief of staff has found himself in the spotlight, despite the fact that Yermak is not formally among the suspects.
"Andriy Yermak is so influential and so deeply involved in numerous internal processes that such a large-scale corruption scheme could not operate without his deep knowledge and understanding," emphasized Darija Kaleniuk, Executive Director of the Anti-Corruption Action Center.
A source close to the Energoatom corruption investigation told The Kyiv Independent that the name of the president's chief of staff keeps coming up in this case as well.
During the investigation, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) released recordings that allegedly documented how the president's close friends and top officials laundered money and received bribes from state contracts.
Authorities said the criminal group laundered more than $100 million (€85 million). The crimes were led by Timuras Mindyčius, a longtime associate of Zelensky and former co-owner of the president's humor studio Kvartal 95.
T. Mindičius previously publicly called A. Yermaks his friend.
A law enforcement source told The Kyiv Independent that part of the misappropriated funds was used to build four luxury homes near Kyiv. These buildings were overseen by O. Chernyshov, and one of them was supposed to go to A. Yermak.
Two options
The Kyiv Independent notes that A. Yermak has been dogged for a year by allegations of corruption, illicit enrichment, and bribery.
Law enforcement authorities have charged his former deputy, Andriy Smirnov, with illicit enrichment, money laundering, and bribery.
Two other former deputies – Kyryla Tymoshenko and Rostislav Shurma – have also figured in corruption investigations, although they have not been formally charged.
During Yermak's term, a number of people associated with him suddenly became wealthy. Film producer and former business partner Artem Koljubaev significantly expanded his business empire, investing in real estate and drone production, according to a 2023 study by Bihus.info.
A. Yermak's opponents emphasize that the constant corruption scandals involving his closest subordinates and allies point to two possibilities.
Either A. Yermak tolerates corruption, or he is entangled in it himself.
"It's no secret to anyone that personnel decisions in both the Presidential Office and the Government and state-owned enterprises are impossible without Andrijus Jermakas," emphasized D. Kaleniuk.
Personality is essential
The Ukrainian president met A. Yermak back in 2010. At that time, he worked as a lawyer and film producer. V. Zelensky's political success became a golden ticket that opened the way to the Olympus of power for a person without political experience.
A. Yermak rose rapidly through the ranks, taking on more and more tasks, often beyond his competence. He ensured that V. Zelensky's vision was implemented without question or disruption.
Political scientist Volodymyr Fesenka explained to The Kyiv Independent that A. Yermak presented himself as a person absolutely devoted to the president, an ideal machine for carrying out his will.
According to V. Fesenko, A. Yermak's main goal is to be the most convenient, effective, and acceptable tool for V. Zelensky, without seeking an independent political role.
Taking over the president's foreign policy agenda and contacts with Russia and the United States, A. Yermak earned the absolute trust of V. Zelensky. In 2020, he replaced his predecessor Andriy Bohdan and officially became the president's chief of staff.
Since then, A. Yermak has practically never let the president out of his sight and is constantly by his side.
Former presidential staff told The Kyiv Independent that A. Yermak's influence was based on his ability to reflect V. Zelensky's wishes and maintain a psychologically comfortable environment for him.
V. Fesenka emphasized that A. Yermak implements the president's wishes even when he internally disagrees with them. He was responsible for most of the country's daily decisions.
Another advantage of A. Yermak for the president is that he absorbs most of the public criticism and becomes a scapegoat when decisions fail.
The Kyiv Independent assessed that A. Yermak gradually became the de facto second most powerful person in Ukraine.
Executive Director
Former presidential staffers told The Kyiv Independent that Zelensky is not deeply involved in the day-to-day mechanics of governance. Practical administration and management work was coordinated by Yermak until his departure.
One source compared this dynamic to a company where V. Zelensky is the CEO who sets the strategy, and A. Yermak is the executive director who controls and implements decisions.
For example, the president sets the goal of obtaining military support from allies, and A. Yermak meets with Western leaders and negotiates the details.
Despite his enormous power, A. Yermak, unlike his predecessor A. Bohdan, did not act autonomously.
V. Fesenka is convinced that A. Yermak will most likely not start a separate political career. The analyst calls him a person whose limit is to be the president's right-hand man.
Another reason for this dependence is A. Yermak's unpopularity in society. A March 2024 poll showed that only 17.5 percent of Ukrainians trusted him, while 67 percent did not trust him.
Unprecedented power
One of the reasons why the presidency has so much power today is the victory of V. Zelensky's Servant of the People party in the 2019 parliamentary elections.
During the election, it won 254 out of 450 seats, securing a solid single-party majority.
The Kyiv Independent notes that Zelensky's predecessor, Petro Poroshenko, did not have such a mandate. Another important circumstance is the martial law imposed after Russia's large-scale invasion, which gave the government unprecedented powers.
According to V. Fresenko, the influence of the parliamentary opposition is now the weakest in the entire history of Ukraine's independence. It was stronger even during the pro-Russian regime of Viktor Yanukovych.
Such power meant that it was the presidency that chose the ruling party's agenda.
In July, former Prime Minister Denys Shmyhalis was replaced by Yulia Svyrydenko, who had previously served as A. Yermak's deputy in the presidency and later joined the country's government.
Because of this concentration of power, it is the presidency that selects and instructs the ruling party's parliamentarians which laws to support. In July, the government was replaced, with Yulia Svyrydenko replacing Prime Minister Denys Shmyhalis.
Local media outlets Ukrainska Pravda and Dzerkalo Tyzhnia reported that people under Yermak's protection also head the tax, customs, and financial supervision authorities, the Antimonopoly Committee, and the State Property Fund.
Vitaliy Shabunin, chairman of the board of the Anti-Corruption Action Center, told The Kyiv Independent that such a monopolization of power in the presidency is unprecedented.
The control that A. Yermak had in the presidency was not limited to the legislative and executive branches. It also includes the law enforcement and judicial systems.
The central figure associated with the manipulation of this system in favor of the presidency is Zelensky's deputy, Oleh Tatarov. Anti-corruption activists and journalistic investigations claim that he maintains influence in the State Bureau of Investigation, the National Police, and the Security Service of Ukraine.
There have been repeated reports of a possible conflict between Yermak and Tatarov, but sources in law enforcement told The Kyiv Independent that this was denied. According to them, this person is indispensable to the presidency because he is well-versed in the law enforcement system and knows how to use it in the interests of Zelensky's team.
This may explain why O. Tatarov was not suspended or fired despite the corruption allegations and scandals surrounding him.
In recent years, Yermak has gradually tried to overshadow Zelensky's influential deputy. Ruslan Kravchenko, appointed as the new Prosecutor General in June, is considered Yermak's protégé.
According to D. Kaleniuk, R. Kravchenko was appointed with one goal - to destroy the independence of NABU and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO).
The expert claimed to The Kyiv Independent that R. Kravchenko reports directly to A. Yermak.
Kravchenko authorized extensive searches of NABU headquarters in July. The next day, Zelensky signed a law that placed the agency and SAPO under the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor General, a politically appointed official.
After protests and pressure from the Brussels office, the independence of NABU and SAPO was eventually restored.
Sources told The Kyiv Independent that this attack on NABU and SAPO was Yermak's idea. Investigations against members of Zelensky's inner circle have undermined the authority of the former head of the Chancellery in the presidency. These processes have contributed to the weakening of his position.
Unpopular in the West
A. Yermak also enjoyed great power in foreign policy. At the beginning of V. Zelensky's term, the former head of the Chancellery became the main negotiator towards Moscow. However, all efforts did not achieve any results.
Later, with the start of Russia's full-scale invasion, Yermak became the president's key foreign policy figure. He met regularly with foreign leaders and maintained contact with Jake Sullivan, national security adviser to former US President Joe Biden.
Fesenka explained that the presidency's influence on Ukraine's foreign policy is greater today than ever before, due to the war and the increased activity of the Zelensky administration on the international stage.
A. Yermak focuses on those issues that interest the president himself the most. Therefore, his direction is directly determined by V. Zelensky's priorities.
Yermak gradually pushed aside Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleb. Politico reported at the time that the former minister had begun to annoy Yermak, who was seeking greater control over the Foreign Ministry.
Following Donald Trump's victory in the 2024 US presidential election, Yermak's position in the West has deteriorated. Several sources told The Kyiv Independent that members of the Republican team do not want to communicate with him.
A. Yermak was seen as a figure leaning too much towards ties with the Democratic Party, and his own role sometimes seemed unclear.
Despite the criticism, Zelensky continued to send Yermak to lead important negotiations in Turkey, France, the United Kingdom and the United States. Politico reported in June that U.S. officials viewed the former administration chief as poorly informed about domestic politics, arrogant and overly demanding.
The Kyiv Independent notes that he had difficulty arranging meetings with top Trump administration officials, and some of the planned meetings were canceled.
Yermak's desire to lead all the major negotiations and his failures became the butt of jokes in Kyiv. One senior European diplomat casually joked that"Yermak just loves to travel."
Without competitors
It is believed that A. Yermak himself was well aware of his reputation problems.
Sources at The Kyiv Independent said that he often responded by trying to push out of the system anyone who opposed him, showed too much ambition, or brought bad news.
Several sources said that V. Zelensky and A. Yermak do not tolerate overly ambitious and distinguished people.
The most prominent example is the former commander of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, Valery Zaluzhny. He was dismissed from his post in 2024 and appointed ambassador to the United Kingdom.
V. Zaluzhny was expelled from Kyiv when his popularity grew and he was considered a potential opponent of V. Zelensky in the upcoming presidential election.
In 2024, Infrastructure Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Oleksandr Kubrakov, previously considered one of the main candidates for the post of prime minister, was also dismissed.
Sources told The Kyiv Independent that O. Kubrakov lost his post because he was considered too ambitious, acted too independently, and maintained direct contacts with the US embassy.
As the independent voices around Zelenskyy dwindled, Yermak virtually came to dominate the political scene. However, the accumulated problems and criticism halted his growth in power.
