The Faculty of Legal, Economic and Social Sciences in Souissi, Rabat, hosted diplomats, political actors, university professors and experts on Thursday, as part of a national seminar organized by the research team on political and constitutional performance, to discuss the topic of “Security Council Resolution 2797” on the issue of the Moroccan Sahara, choosing the approach of “cross-readings”.

According to Hespress, the majority of participants agreed, through lengthy sessions, on the “strength of the Moroccan victory” on October 31, 2025, before it was reinforced by the resounding Algerian failure to “distort the wording of the official resolution” by the Secretariat of the UN Security Council and the UN reporting bodies, thus consecrating Algeria’s role within the structure of the “parties” concerned with the consequences and repercussions of the resolution in the negotiating aspect based on the only solution: autonomy for the Sahara regions under Moroccan sovereignty.

"The language of decision-making"... a fundamental shift

Hassan Abdelkhalek, the former Moroccan ambassador to Algeria, began his presentation by providing a chronological reading of the developments in the territorial integrity issue, from UN Resolution 690 in 1991 to Resolution 2797 issued in October 2025. He explained that “the settlement process witnessed several turning points, beginning with the United Nations acknowledging the difficulty of implementing the referendum option stipulated in the 1991 plan, due to the complexities of the identification process, which prompted the international community to call for an alternative political solution.”

The former diplomat from the eastern neighbor continued, saying that “despite Morocco’s positive and principled engagement with the framework agreement plan in 2001, the other party’s rejection, and the subsequent failure of the 2003 plan, paved the way for the necessity of adopting a new, more realistic negotiating approach.”

According to Abdelkhalek, 2007 was “a decisive turning point with Morocco’s presentation of the autonomy initiative, which received overwhelming international support from 125 countries, and culminated in the historic Security Council resolution issued on October 31st,” stressing that “this resolution settled the debate by explicitly confirming in its official wording – through mentioning ‘autonomy’ six times – that there is no solution to this fabricated conflict except within the framework of Moroccan sovereignty and the autonomy project.”

The ambassador also drew attention to a “fundamental shift in the language of the decision,” as he referred to “the parties” five times, thus establishing the direct responsibility of the Algerian regime in the political process and ending its continuous attempts to evade its status as a key party concerned with finding a solution.

The Moroccan diplomat did not hide “the aspiration for our brothers in Algeria to respond to the logic of integrated international legitimacy, which includes the historic resolutions of the General Assembly and the principle of self-determination in its democratic and realistic sense,” recalling in the same context the contents of the recent royal speech, which renewed the policy of “extending a hand,” calling for turning the page on the past and starting a new phase based on brotherhood and good neighborliness, in a way that serves the common destiny and establishes a sound and solid Maghreb space that brings together the two brotherly countries.

Establishing the tradition of “pen holder”

For his part, Abdelali Benlyas, Professor of Political Science and Constitutional Law at the Faculty of Law in Souissi, presented his analysis of the legal and political mechanisms controlling decision-making within the Security Council, starting from Article 27 of the United Nations Charter, which makes substantive issues contingent on the availability of a quorum of nine members, provided that the permanent members do not use their veto power. He also reviewed the historical development of mechanisms for formulating solutions since the 1990s, as the weight shifted from the 'Group of Friends of the Sahara' (which included Russia, America, France, Britain, and Spain) to the consecration of the 'penholder' custom, which has become clearly evident since 2011.

Benlyas added that “this drafting-based system is currently dominated by the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, with Washington alone holding the ‘pen’ in the Moroccan Sahara file, reflecting the prioritization of the logic of permanent national interests over transient friendships.”

In analyzing the course of the final resolution, the same spokesperson affirmed that the United States had engaged in “arduous and difficult” intensive negotiations led by American diplomats with all parties, including the countries that later abstained from voting, to ensure the formulation of a balanced resolution that integrates various interests. He stressed that the final outcome of the resolution, with its explicit affirmation of the autonomy initiative, constitutes an “indirect” and internationally recognized recognition of Moroccan sovereignty. He considered that this shift moves the issue to a new stage, represented by the “great battle” over how to negotiate the tools and mechanisms for implementing autonomy and the concept of self-determination, exclusively under the umbrella of Moroccan sovereignty.

The same academic described Algeria’s presence as a non-permanent member of the Security Council in the year Resolution 2797 was issued as “a cruel twist of history.” He pointed out that Algeria sought by all means to pressure its ally Russia to use its veto power, “but it failed in the face of the language of international interests.” He concluded that “Algeria’s subsequent attempts to provide misleading media interpretations of the resolution do not hide the reality of the shock it received, nor do they cover up the geo-strategic reality that makes the Sahara a strategic stake for the Algerian regime, before its downfall in the face of the power of the autonomy initiative and international political realism.”

The role of the university and “parallel diplomacy”

The symposium platform for discussing the topic was not without active participants from the southern regions of the Kingdom, including Advisor Khalihen Al-Karsh, from the “Democratic Confederation of Labor Group” in the House of Advisors, who pointed to “the reality of parallel diplomacy, whether partisan, trade union or parliamentary, as a living experience that develops and accumulates expertise despite the occasional fluctuations that may affect it.”

Al-Karsh then moved on to talk about “the development dimension as a fundamental pillar for consolidating sovereignty,” highlighting the efforts made to enforce the “right to development” in the southern regions, within the framework of the strategic framework provided by the new development model. He also explained that “this model is based on an open Atlantic vision and a ‘win-win’ approach, which makes development a real gateway to regional stability and prosperity.”

The speaker also cited significant numerical indicators reflecting the development boom witnessed in the Sahara regions, where the urbanization rate reached 74%; with “health and education indicators in the southern regions exceeding the overall national average.” He noted that “this dynamic is supported by a strategic infrastructure, spearheaded by the Tiznit-Dakhla highway, which transcends its local role to become a pivotal gateway connecting Europe and Africa.”

In this context, the same speaker stressed the pivotal role of the university in keeping pace with these transformations, considering it “a necessary framework for thinking and keeping up with the scientific development of this comprehensive renaissance.”

In looking ahead to the next stage, El-Kersh called on “the Moroccan university – with all its components – to engage seriously in formulating a scientific and realistic vision for the autonomy plan through extensive consultations, which would enrich this strategic option,” linking “the success of these steps to the necessity of strengthening the internal front by enhancing democratic practice and ensuring a significant presence of youth and women in managing public affairs.” He concluded that “the UN resolution is not the end of the road, but rather the final closure of this fabricated issue constitutes the real starting point and the essential condition for reviving and building the Maghreb Union on solid foundations.”